Atomic Bomb Essays (1728 words) - Radioactivity, Manhattan Project

Nuclear Bomb Nuclear Bomb During wartime, appalling barbarities against all of humankind must be managed. Violations against mankind, as never saw, and ideally to never be seen again, happened throughout World War II. America has consistently, and no doubt will consistently put a high incentive on American lives. So as to ensure these lives and to safeguard that the world is alright for majority rules system, American pioneers needed to settle on an exceptionally intense choice, regardless of whether or on the other hand not to drop the nuclear bomb on Japan. This demonstration would basically exchange Japanese lives for American lives. The Japanese were answerable for a huge number of American losses in the Pacific, remembering the unjustifiable assault for Pearl Harbor. With Japanese powers giving no indications of give up, American pioneers settled on a choice. This choice basically changed the historical backdrop of fighting until the end of time. A nuclear bomb is any weapon that gets its damaging force from a molecule. This force comes when the issue within the particles is changed into vitality. The procedure by which this is done is known as splitting. The main two iotas appropriate for splitting are the uranium isotope U-235 and the plutonium isotope Pu-239. Splitting happens when a neutron, a subatomic molecule with no electrical charge, strikes the core of one of these isotopes and makes it split separated. At the point when the core is part, a lot of vitality is created, what's more, increasingly free neutrons are likewise discharged. These neutrons strike other particles, which makes more vitality be discharged. On the off chance that this procedure is rehashed, a self-supporting chain response will happen, and it is this chain response that makes the nuclear bomb have its damaging force. The principal kind of nuclear bomb at any point utilized was a firearm type. In this sort two subcritical bits of U-235 are put in a gadget like the barrel of a mounted guns shell. One piece is put toward one side of the barrel and will stay there very still. The other subcritical mass is put at the opposite finish of the barrel. A customary dangerous is pressed behind the second subcritical mass. At the point when the circuit is set off, a traditional blast causes the second subcritical mass to be pushed at a high speed into the first subcritical mass. The subsequent blend causes the two subcritical masses to turn into a supercritical mass. At the point when this supercritical mass is gotten, a fast self-supported chain response is caused. This sort of nuclear bomb was utilized on Hiroshima, and given the moniker Young man after Franklin D. Roosevelt. The second kind of nuclear bomb is an implosion bomb. In this sort a subcritical mass, which is looking like a ball, is set in the focal point of the weapon. This subcritical mass is encircled in a circular course of action of ordinary explosives. At the point when the wire is set off the entirety of the customary explosives detonate at a similar time. This causes the subcritical mass to be packed into a littler volume, consequently making a supercritical mass to be shaped. After this supercritical mass is acquired, a self-supported chain response happens and causes the nuclear blast. This kind of nuclear bomb was utilized on Nagasaki, and given the moniker Chunky Man after Winston Churchill. The impact from a nuclear bomb's blast will keep going for only one-half to one second, yet in this measure of time a incredible arrangement of harm is finished. A fireball is made by the impact, which comprises essentially of residue and gasses. The residue delivered in this fireball has no significant impact on people or their condition. Be that as it may, as the gasses extend an impact wave is delivered. As this impact wave moves, it makes static overpressure. This static overpressure at that point thus makes dynamic weight. The static overpressure has the ability to squash structures. The dynamic weight makes winds, which have the ability to blow down trees. The impact weight and fireball together just keep going for around eleven seconds, but since it contains 50% of the nuclear bomb's inactive vitality a lot of pulverization happens. In Hiroshima, the impact from the nuclear bomb was estimated to be around four and a half to six and seven tenths tons of weight per square meter, while in Nagasaki the impact was estimated to be around six to eight tons of weight for each square meter. Since of this sensational change in the weight the vast majority of the urban communities were obliterated. The static overpressure in Hiroshima crushed between sixty-two and ninety thousand structures, while in Nagasaki the entirety of the structures inside three thousand feet of the focal point of the impact were totally annihilated. The static overpressure made a unique weight

The Worst Economic Crisis in the U.S.

As indicated by look into, a financial downturn occurs when development decays. By and large, this happens when there is a decrease in the interest by buyers (Cashell, 2010). This is on the grounds that as complete interest in the economy decays, organizations quit raising, thus they quit hiring.Advertising We will compose a custom exposition test on The Worst Economic Crisis in the U.S. explicitly for you for just $16.05 $11/page Learn More With time the circumstance deteriorates and the organizations begin terminating their representatives. The degree of joblessness rises, buying power drops and purchaser buys drop much further and house costs start to decrease. The monetary emergency of 2008 had its source in the U.S. Most financial analysts considered dependable the home loan advertise for the decrease. Obviously nobody realized the most noticeably awful monetary emergency could happen in2008. The outcomes were extreme as the economy had to freeze. The freezing of the economy is owing to the contracting of benefits just as breakdown of a few organizations that had figured out how to utilize a huge number of representatives. The market could be liable albeit again there ought to be the fundamental driver that made the issue to spread in the entire home loan market of the United States, just as the whole world. Amazingly, the Lehman’s Brothers had quite a bit of its interest in the home loan advertise. Despite the fact that Lehman’s Brothers realized that the sub-prime home loan advertise was very hazardous for its speculation, it is astonishing to see Lehman’s Brothers’ striking measure towards putting intensely in the sub-prime home loan showcase. The principle focus of putting resources into the sub-prime home loan advertise was to catch enormous benefits thinking about that this market pulled in high financing costs. Be that as it may, the market end up being unsafe because of significant levels of bondholders defaulting to pay the loan costs and the ensuing principals. The appealing land showcase prompted levels of popularity and subsequently, house costs went up. Numerous individuals considered it the lodging bubbles. In this rate, the increasing expansion costs of benefits will in general surpass that for livelihoods making it very hard to buy resources from ones’ salary. In particular, the home loan showcase got unpredictable and anticipating the intrigue was difficult since financing costs could go astray with huge edge. For example, in a solitary day, Dow Jones recorded an intra-day scope of 1000 premise focuses the most exceedingly awful intra-day run since the time its commencement. Such colossal edges were ascribed to absence of trust in the home loan showcase compelling numerous speculators to pull back their stocks in organizations that had put much in the home loan advertise particularly the sub-prime home loan market.Advertising Looking for paper on business financial matters? How abou t we check whether we can support you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More People felt that home loan related organizations were anticipating make a ton of benefits just to be stunned by the dangers that were later acknowledged in this market. The result of the breakdown of Lehman’s Brothers was selling a portion of its units at a lower cost. The organization attempted as a lot to repay bondholders however with a great deal of challenges. Lehman’s Brothers caused disorder in the economy thinking about that huge monetary establishments had corporate stocks with Lehman’s Brothers. The U.S. Central bank was guided by the administration to give out a bailout bundle of 700 billion U.S. dollars to make sure about different organizations that were nearly crumbling yet exceptionally basic to supporting the economy of the U.S. Obviously most investors lost their offers worth a great many U.S. dollars. Reviewing that Lehman’s Brothers was a global money re lated foundation, one could see that its belongings were spread wildly to different pieces of the world. France had various Lehman’s units. Asia too had various Lehman’s Brothers specialty units that were later gained by different organizations abroad. All things considered, the huge inquiry could be what made Lehman’s Brother to fall driving 1000s loss of occupations and 1,000,000s offers. This was the heaviest hit to the U.S. throughout the previous 18 years after the fall of one extensively huge organization, maybe responds in due order regarding the fall could be critical to help with maintaining a strategic distance from such frequency later on. The conspicuous explanation was the huge venture made by the organization in the dangerous sub-prime home loan advertise (Cooper, 2008). Because of much dependence on this beneficial however dangerous market, the organization had no choice of discovering choices to safeguard its situation in the market. Be that as i t may, the organization went to another degree of rehearsing trick bookkeeping game in their records. A few acts of neglect that were polished in their bookkeeping endeavored to shroud the genuine monetary position and accordingly, financial specialists couldn't make educated and astute ventures. All partners including representatives, potential and existing investors, clients and government had grown a lot of certainty with Lehman’s Brothers money related position. Much to their dismay that Lehman’s Brothers was going towards petitioning for section 11 chapter 11. The disappointment of Lehman’s Brothers to pay its obligation holders was sufficient to legitimize its pronouncing as bankrupt. Now, it got principal to close down its tasks to pay its banks with resources within reach, as investors shared the rest of the part. All things considered, the organization was not satisfactorily empowered to pay its investors diving them into worth U.S. dollars millions mis fortunes. Other money related foundations that had put resources into the home loan advertise just as in Lehman’s Brothers resources also endured immense misfortunes while others stopped their activities. The result was loss of occupations just as offers worth U.S. billions of dollars. The all out salary for the U.S. economy astoundingly tumbled to bring down levels. As levels of salary of buyers went down, their buying power debilitated. There was less salary to support sparing just as interest in the economy.Advertising We will compose a custom exposition test on The Worst Economic Crisis in the U.S. explicitly for you for just $16.05 $11/page Learn More The assembling segment needed to diminish the quantity of workers since the diminished degrees of income couldn't support all representatives. The cutbacks in the assembling part additionally prompted substantially more weight on the economy. Capital products were significantly influenced as customers turned to the acquisit ion of fundamental merchandise and enterprises. The waves were felt in different pieces of the world including creating nations, for example, those of Africa. To make sure about the economy from the troublesome monetary minutes, various governments picked assorted measures to make sure about firms in the economy. The U.S. government specifically depended on giving out rescue bundles to money related organizations that were very nearly crumbling. Different estimates incorporated the utilization of financial improvement, extricating the fiscal strategy just as permitting collaboration between global banks. Impacts of Monetary Policies executed in Reaction to the Crisis because of absence of outlines in which the national banks applied the arrangement of their accounting report so as to include the total consumption of the network by affecting credit streams, there is minimal sequential establishment for evaluating the effectiveness of credit approach. All things considered, the approa ches that were executed by the legislature concerning the credit arrangement followed two headings. For example, in the event that Fed had built up the advantage side of its asset report to purchase obligation in the business sectors it thought about useless, and left unsterilized, the associated increment in the fiscal help would have perplexed the credit and cash foundation impacts. What's more, because of the budgetary emergency of 2008 that prompted the usage of financial approaches, there were costs connected with the supporting of cash gracefully, in spite of the way that the legislature gets by and large salary. For example, it was guaranteed that around 90% of the cash flexibly was set up by the private financial frameworks and conveyed enthusiasm as a state of its reality. The new arrangement necessitated that every business bank to keep just half of all stores they had and in this manner the staying half be to be kept with the Federal Reserve. To exacerbate the issue, Mr. Marriner chose to raise the Federal Reserve necessity to 75%. Following the expanded save prerequisite, larger part of business banks depended on fixing their loaning limit so as to maintain a strategic distance from circumstances of liquidity in the bank. Most business banks limited their degrees of loaning by raising the degree of financing costs. This implied the degree of acquiring diminished pointedly and subsequently, the degree of venture too went down. The approach by the Federal Reserve prompted low degree of cash flexibly in the economy.Advertising Searching for paper on business financial matters? We should check whether we can support you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Find out More The impacts were two and this included diminished degree of buying power just as diminished degrees of speculation. Therefore, numerous pieces of the economy neglected to perform well prompting cutbacks in different assembling ventures, which overwhelmed during these periods, for example, the mining business. Others guarantee that the choice by the Great Britain to return Gold Standard at equalities was also the significant reason for the emergency Fiscal Policies Fiscal approaches are budgetary, financial or money related plans or systems set up to understand certain objectives in a surrendered monetary set. Concerning the money related emergency of the year 2,000 and eight, there are various financial strategies that had been set up; the fiscal and liquidity arrangement. This approach made banks have a specific dread in that they were not willing to

6 Scary Facts about Bad Credit Scores

6 Scary Facts about Bad Credit Scores 6 Scary Facts about Bad Credit Scores 6 Scary Facts about Bad Credit ScoresIf you need some motivation to start fixing a lousy credit score, then these six terrifying facts should help scare you into action.When you need to feed your family but there’s not enough money in the bank account to cover it, it may not seem like you have much of a choice but to run up credit cards or skip other bill payments, like on your utilities or maybe your car loan.In the long term, however, actions like these can damage your credit score, which means the next time you need a line of credit, you may have to pay higher interest rates. And if your score gets really low, you may only be eligible for bad credit loans or predatory payday loans and cash advances that can threaten your already fragile finances.Bad credit is a huge problem in this country, where only 40 percent of us have at least $1,000 in the bank to cover emergency expenses. Let’s take a look at six other scary facts about bad credit scores.1. 34.8 percent of Americans wit h credit have bad credit.According to a recent report by one of the top three credit bureaus in the country, nearly 35 percent of Americans with credit have what’s called “subprime credit,” or a FICO credit score between 580 and 669. In fact, the national credit score average is 701. (A “very good” score is between 740 and 799.)Since your credit score is the primary tool lenders use to measure how risky it would be to loan you money, having subprime credit means you may end up paying much higher rates in order to borrow money. In some cases, you may not qualify for the product you want at all.2. 26 million Americans don’t have any credit at all.A recent Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) report found that about one in 10 Americans don’t have any credit history with a national credit bureauâ€"or at least not enough credit history to produce a credit score. This is what is called being “credit invisible.”Certain communities are at a higher risk for being cre dit invisible, including black and Hispanic consumers (15 percent credit invisible), as well as those who live in low-income areas (30 percent credit invisible).It can be very difficult for those with no credit to qualify for financial products like credit cards and installment loans. They may also have trouble getting a cell phone contract or an apartment.3. About 12 million Americans use no credit check loans each year.According to a study by the Pew Charitable Trusts, about 12 million Americans took out at least one payday loanâ€"a predatory form of a no credit check loanâ€"in 2010. An average borrower actually took out eight payday loans, each with an average principal of $375.Due to payday loans having such short terms and high interest, many borrowers have to take out multiple loans simply to pay down the debt owed on the first loan. Because these storefront and  online loans  do not require credit checksâ€"hence the umbrella term “no credit check loan”â€"vulnerable popula tions with poor credit or credit invisibility are frequently the target of predatory lenders.4. The national average interest rate on a payday loan is 400 percent.Recent reports have shown that payday loans in the United States come with an average annual percentage rate (APR) of 400 percent and can be as high as 700 percent!APRs reflect that total cost (interest and fees) of a loan per year, so it is a good way to compare the cost of different financial productions.   Compare those payday loan APRs to your average credit card or personal loan and you will see rates that  are twenty times higher  on the low end.And if you think a secured title loan might be a better optionâ€"think again. The average annual interest rate for those no credit check loans is 300 percent. Plus, according to a study from the CFPB, one in five title loan sequences ends with the borrowers vehicle being repossessed.5. A bad credit score can prevent you from getting a job.That’s right. It’s not just loan and apartment applications that can be affected by bad credit. Unless you live in one of the few states that have regulated the practice, employers canâ€"and doâ€"run your credit as part of the application process.According to one report, which surveyed low- and middle-income households, one in four participants said that potential employers asked to run their credit, and one in 10 respondents had been informed that they would not be hired based on credit report findings. Of those, 70 percent were rejected on the basis of their credit score.A survey of human resources professionalsâ€"the people who help make hiring decisions for companiesâ€"found that 25 percent of participants checked credit for some positions while 6 percent checked for all positions.6. Bad credit may be the result of errors.The three major credit bureausâ€"the companies that calculate your credit scoreâ€"are not perfect and sometimes they even make mistakes that can negatively impact your credit score.In fact, a new study of CFPB consumer complaint data showed that 43 percent of all complaints made in 2018 were related to credit reporting, and 61 percent of those complaints were specifically about credit reporting mistakes.Credit reporting mistakes can be disputed, but according to the report, it’s not common for the credit bureaus themselves to resolve issues with customers.To check your credit report for errors, simply request a free copy of your report by visiting AnnualCreditReport.com. You are legally entitled to one free credit report from each of the three primary credit bureaus every year upon request.Bad credit is scary, but fixing your score might actually be easier than you think. To learn more about how you can improve your credit score, check out these  other posts and articles from OppLoans:How to Raise Your Credit Score by 100 PointsWill Closing a Credit Card Affect Your Credit Score?Have Bad Credit? Here Are Two Things You Should DoHow to Build Credit When You Have No Cred it at AllDo you have a personal finance question youd like us to answer? Let us know! You can find us  on  Facebook  and  Twitter.  |Instagram

Southern Rice Advertising Budget Essay - 846 Words

Southern Rice Advertising Budget†¨ In the case of Southern Rice, what particular type(s) of budgeting method would you consider? Why? When introducing a new product, it is imperative to have a marketing plan. The Southern Rice Company has well establish a recognizable brand and built a strong brand equity. â€Å"Good advertising can make a consumer want to try a product, but a repeat sale is typically influenced by the consumer’s product experiences.† (Arens, page 263) Customers are paying extra for the satisfying quality that Southern Rice provides in their products. Recently a new style of cooking rice, instant rice, has become a threat and opportunity for the company. Using our substantial advertising budget, our overall goal is to†¦show more content†¦Another budgeting strategy is the objective/task method. Objective/task â€Å"considers advertising to be a marketing tool to help generate sales.† (Arens, page 294) I feel this method is a well planned out proposition. The steps include defining the objectives, determining strategy and estimating cost. The objective here is to increase the awareness of Southern Rice Company’s instant rice. Next, we will research and determine which ads, television or print, and media outlets to use. Measuring the results from these campaigns will determine whether or not they need to be revised. Based on this information, we can estimate the overall cost and then allocate the money in the marketing budget into each specially designed task. If we cannot afford some of the tasks, we can devote more of our budget to a task that will work in the most effective way. Objective/task is more accurate and flexible when it comes to budget allocation. 2) Do you agree with Southern Rices test market program? How would you go about with the test market approach in determining advertising spending? I agree with the â€Å"test marketing program.† Southern Rice is introducing a new product in new unfamiliar locations . 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Cyprus accession in NATOs programme Partnership for Peace

Sample details Pages: 31 Words: 9220 Downloads: 4 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? ABSTRACT: The contemporary political debate which has emerged recently in the political arena of Cyprus regarding the issue of Cyprus accession in NATOs programme Partnership for Peace (PfP) provoked a rich discussion concerning the historical orientation of the countrys foreign policy. Although Cyprus has been a full member of the European Union since the 1st of May 2004, its comprehensive participation to European Security and Defence Policies and structures is questioned and partly limited. This statement is an emanation of the fact that Cyprus constitutes the only Member State in the EU, which is neither a member of NATO nor of the PfP. Therefore, the Cypriot indirect absence from Western security and defence structures combined with the Turkish intensive participation causes several internal and external implications and raise doubts concerning, both the exact role of Cyprus in the European Security system, as well as the future of the dialogue regarding relations between NATO and the EU. This paper explores three different phases of Cyprus foreign policy and tries to evaluate the reasons which led to the partial adjustment in its directions. In particular, throughout the Cold War, Cyprus implemented a policy of the Non-Aligned Movement. However, in 1990 it applied for EEC membership transforming its foreign policy and shaping a European orientation. Nevertheless, since February 2008 the new elected President Demetris Christofias a former leader of the communist party AKEL- has been categorically rejecting to put Cyprus in the path of accession into the NATOs PfP. As the conclusion states, although Cyprus foreign policy is Europe-oriented, there are particular cases which prove that the countrys foreign policy is not linear and is partially modulated depending on the governments political and ideological orientation. The final assessment of whether the foreign policy transformations are rational and beneficial for Cyprus remains controversial and open to different interpretations. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Cyprus accession in NATOs programme Partnership for Peace | European Studies Dissertations" essay for you Create order Introduction The exercise and implementation of foreign policy comprise a decisive parameter which marks and defines the states external behaviour, as well as its politico-ideological placement in the international system. Undoubtedly, the establishment and cultivation of external relations, as well as the ability to inaugurate diplomatic contacts with other states and international organizations, are all fundamental elements of international relations, which enhance and reinforce the states position in the international scene and improve the climate of cooperation between states. However, a basic question that needs to be addressed and evaluated concerning the implementation of foreign policy is whether it remains steady and linear, or is being transformed and adjusted depending on evolving national interests and the rapid changes which are observed in the international environment. If the latter scenario is the case, the question which arises has to do with the variety of different factors whic h contribute and lead to the transformation and the partial redefinition of the national foreign policy direction. Despite the fact that it is a relatively small island, the Republic of Cyprus has had a rich and diverse history, . This paper will examine the case study of Cyprus foreign policy, analysing and critically approaching its evolutionary process throughout the years, trying to contribute to the discussion concerning the orientations and transformations of the countrys foreign policy throughout its existence. As the methodological type of this research is a case study, this paper tries to focus on the historical process of Cyprus foreign policy seeking to assess the factors which led to its partial redefinition and rethinking during three crucial stages of its history. It is worthy to clarify that the purpose of this paper is not to present and examine the Cyprus Problem per se, but how Cyprus saw and still sees its place in Europe through the exercise and implementation of its foreign policy. This explanatory case study attempts to evaluate three different stages which reveal the asymmetric nature and non linear orientation of the countrys foreign policy. As the conclusion states, although Cyprus after 1990 has been following a steady European orientation, its foreign policy has not changed, but is partly modulated and adjusted depending on the ideological background of the party in government. The following analysis will prove that despite the fact that Cyprus foreign policy is Europe-oriented, some of its aspects are now hostage to the governments ideology. What diversifies this paper from the existing literature is the interplay between internal and external dynamics in foreign policy perceptions. The structure of the Work This paper is divided into three parts based on three different approaches and periods of Cyprus foreign policy. The first chapter examines Cyprus foreign policy in the very early years of its existence, when it faced the dilemma of either being a satellite state, expressing support to either of the two superpowers, or to remain neutral. Bypassing the intensive disagreement from the Turkish Cypriot Vice President, President Makarios, took the decision to participate in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1961 keeping the country away from the direct epicentre of the Cold War. After following a non-aligned foreign policy during the Cold War and with the Cyprus problem being unresolved, the Cypriot political leadership decided that the country needed to dramatically change the orientation of its foreign policy. Following the brief examination of Cyprus non-aligned foreign policy during the Cold War, the second chapter deals clearly with the immediate post Cold-War era, where one could notice a total shift and a significant alteration of the countrys foreign policy. This chapter argues that the period after 1990 can be characterized as an effort from the Cyprus government to approach and join the Western European structures maintaining at the same time, friendly relations with the former Soviet Union countries. In 1990, Cyprus applied for membership of the EEC in order to achieve a series of national, political, and economic goals. The third chapter will present and analyze one of the most recent and contemporary political debates, concerning the issue of Cyprus comprehensive participation in European Security and Defence structures and policies, with additional emphasis on the issue of Cyprus prospect of joining NATOs PfP. After the examination and analysis of the above three periods which showed a different motivation from Cypriot governments concerning the orientation of foreign policy, this paper concludes with an overall assessment of the aforementioned issues. Although the purpose of this paper is not to make predictions and speculations for the future, it is necessary to pose some crucial questions for further research about how Cyprus sees its place in Europe. Literature review Methodological approach Conceptual clarifications It is widely accepted that the Cyprus problem is by its nature a very tenebrous, sensitive, ambiguous and controversial political problem which can be approached from a variety of different political angles depending on the way one understands the various balances and realities in Cyprus. When studying cases like Cyprus, an objective researcher must take into account a series of different variables concerning the politico-ideological ambiguities in the context of the Cyprus political arena in order to be objective and formulate realistic arguments. A significant limitation which emerges in research methodology, as well as in the process of the examination and evaluation of recourses is the question of subjectivity and the realistic interpretation either of the primary sources or of the historical proceedings. The way the political life in Cyprus is structured, provides a rich philosophical tradition of debate between the political tendencies, which offers different explanations, diff erent interpretations and even different conclusions. If we apply the theory that a coin has always two sides and an argument has two different explanations, in the case of Cyprus, many coins have too many sides. The present brief literature review presents the major works published in the English language on the Cyprus issue in general. It is worthy to note that the vast majority of social scientific works on Cyprus are focused on Cyprus political problem and the conflict between the two communities and their political and territorial aspirations in the island. The impact of the factors which led to the reformulation of foreign policy attitude, or indeed the impact of the political debates in Cyprus political arena on foreign policy is comparatively little explored. The works contained herein have been chosen because of their relevance to one or more of the major themes running through the paper. Regarding the three key areas of this research, i.e. Cyprus foreign policy, Cyprus EU accession process and Cyprus and PfP the majority of the literature on Cyprus is extremely vast and enlightening on the second, less so on the first, and virtually nonexistent on the last. In particular, one contemporary, objective and realistic account is offered by James Ker- Lindsay, [2004,2005,2008]. Ker-Lindsay and Hubert Faustman [2009] also undertook a comprehensive research on the politics and government of Cyprus, providing us a solid argumentation about the countrys political realities. Other historical backgrounds and analysis are offer by other authors like [Markides, 1977] The Rise and fall of the Cyprus Republic [Bitsios, 1975], Cyprus: the vulnerable Republic, [Polyviou, 1975] Cyprus: The tragedy and the challenge. Theophylactou Demetrios presented in 1995 his interpretation concerning the security, identity and the nation building offering a comprehensive work on the Cyprus issue based on a combination of domestic and external factors. Concerning Cyprus EU accession process there is an extensive literature. Nattalie Tocci [2004] examined the prospect of Cyprus accession process as a catalyst for peace to the political problem and offered an evaluation o f the role of the EU to the conflict resolution in Cyprus. Moreover, Theophanous [2005] analysed the role of the EU in the Eastern Mediterranean, and its impact on the Cyprus question. Additionally, Brewin [2000], Christou [2004] and Stephanou [2005], analyzed the period of accessions negotiations and assessed the implications which emerged in the countrys accession process and in the path towards the final membership. Nevertheless, the focus of the third chapter, concerning the Cyprus application for PfP membership constitutes a very contemporary issue and thus almost absent from the current literature. However, this does not mean that it will be consumed in speculation theories, as it is a useful example which proves that Cyprus foreign policy is not linear and is being adjusted depending on a series of political, national and ideological factors. Therefore, the author has used many comprehensive accounts on Cyprus and the Cyprus problem which also evaluate some of the basic foreign policy aspects that are assessed in this paper. Furthermore the works of [Howorth 2007] on European Security and Defence Policy and [Kentas 2005] on Cyprus and PfP were very helpful for this particular analysis Moreover, as there is a need to understand the position of the political parties, it was attempted to take interviews from all political parties, as well as from members of the core-executive. It can be argued that the interviews offered the author the opportunity to better understand the existing political perceptions especially about the issue of PfP. A diplomatic neutrality: Cyprus Foreign policy of the Non-Aligned Movement The agreements negotiated in Zurich and London in February 1959 between the three guarantor powers Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom led to the declaration of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960 . Apart from the domestic political implications, President Makarios, who was the first President of Cyprus, faced an early challenge and a significant dilemma. The specific dilemma and foreign policy decision has partly marked the countrys path and participation in international politico-economic affairs. In the apex of the Cold War, and with the international balances being sensitive and fragile, Cyprus government had three options regarding its foreign policy position and reaction to the global and political classifications. Firstly, there was a weakened assumption that Cyprus should have joined NATO as it belongs in the sphere of its influence and due to the fact that the three guarantor powers of the Republic are members of NATO. Besides the islands strong indirect bonds with NATO, one could argue that, according to the informal and secret agreement between the Greek Prime Minister Constantinos Karamanlis and his Turkish counterpart Mederes, which was signed in Zurich in February 1959, Greece and Turkey, agreed to support a future Cyprus accession in NATO. However, the paradox of this case implies the fact that Makarios was informed and agreed to the specific provision of the agreement. Secondly, there has been a perception that Cyprus would have drifted to the Soviet bloc, due to the impact, the friendly relations and the significant power of the communist party in Cyprus AKEL with the Soviet executive structures. However, those who knew and understood the political philosophy of President Makarios, realized that the most appropriate foreign policy option for Cyprus was the direction of the Non-Aligned Movement, as an effort to approach the third-world countries and the Arab world. The Non-Aligned Movement constitutes an international organisation of states considering themselves not formally and directly aligned with or against any major power bloc . As James Ker-Lindsay accurately observes, in 1955 Makarios was one of the many leaders who attended the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung in Indonesia . However, all scenarios that Cyprus would have joined and expressed support to either of the two superpowers remained only speculation, as Makarios decided that the best foreign policy direction for Cyprus was to join the NAM. An observation of the Cypriot daily press of the period shows that the decision generated slight repercussions in some political and social lobbies on both a domestic and international level. In particular, it is worthy to note that the Non-Aligned orientation provoked the intensive disagreement of the Turkish Cypriot vice president Dr. Fazil Kutchuk, despite the fact that he did not exert his veto right to block the decision . It is commonly believed that the Turkish Cypriot vice president was urged by Ankara to accept Makarios decision to make Cyprus a member of the NAM. Turkeys political leadership believed that if Cyprus joined NATO and participated in the political and security structures of the Western alliance, Turkeys ability to intervene in Cyprus on an y occasion under Article 4 of the Treaty of Guaranty would be severely curtailed and subject to delays as it would need the essential approval of the other NATO member states. During the procedures of the Belgrade Conference in 1961 Cyprus became one of the twenty five founder states of the NAM. A basic explanation of this choice, which does not require any political analysis is that Makarios maintained excellent and friendly relations with a number of leading figures from Bandungs Conference, especially Yugoslavias Josep Broz Tito and Egypts Abdul Gamal Nasser, and he was already forging a reputation as a leader across the Arab world . Moreover, the fact that Makarios first official overseas visit was to Egypt to see his very good friend and colleague President Nasser instead of visiting Greece was unexpected. Additionally, the general consensus regarding the choice of NAM is proved by the fact that, even General Georgios Grivas who was the leader of EOKA and then one of the most intensive sources of opposition over Makarios policies, claimed that the movement towards the Arab world was promising and successful, expressing simultaneously his frustration at the way the Western allies treated Cyprus. Furthermore, he did not hesitate to call the Greek government to withdraw from NATO . Apart from the above, the general social frustration concerning the way the Western Allies treated Greek Cypriots during several times in contemporary Cyprus history, constituted another reason which demonized NATO in the eyes of the Greek Cypriot people. The initial negative experience the Cypriots obtained from the West has concerned the way the British responded to the demand of self determination and union with Greece. Although Cypriots participated and fought for the British in the Second World War, the British governments misplaced Cypriot hopes that Britain would have taken a more encouraging and positive position regarding the issue of union with Greece. Moreover, another crucial reason which proves the social disappointment to the British attitude has been the content and provisions of the various partitionist plans for a settlement proposed by several British officials. In particular such plans prepared and submitted by Marshal Sir John Harding in 1956 in his negotiations with Makarios, the ideas of Lord Radcliffe in December of the same year and the comprehensive proposal prepared by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan in 1958. All these plans were assessed and rejected as unacceptable by the Greek Cypriot leadership and provoked a general mistrust against British policy over Cyprus. The issue of the Greek appeal in the UN seems to be very crucial. After the referendum organized by the Orthodox Church calling for unity with Greece . Theophylactou, who offers an interpretation of Makarios position, claims that Makarios, whose political philosophy was steadily moving away from Athens national policy vis- a- vis Cyprus, had dismissed enosis and adopted a policy of Non-alignment and independence for Cyprus . Furthermore, it is noticeable that Greece was highly economically dependent on economic and financial support from the West and did not wish to endanger the loss of its economic lank. As Makarios committed himself to the NAM he began to pursue his own political initiatives. Evaluating his policies one could argue that the vast majority of his decisions were gradually being contradicted with the policies of the National Centre. Makarios was being supported by AKEL and he was trying to implement policies that satisfied the partys electorate as he was heavily reliant on AKELs support. Nevertheless, after the breakdown of peace in Cyprus the US with the active support of Britain tried to propose plans to bring about a settlement. After the rejection of the Acheson plans by Makarios in 1964 and his broader approach to the Soviet Union, the US through their President Johnson had been worried about the possibility of Cyprus eventually becoming the Cuba of Mediterranean and Makarios the Castro of the area . However, assessing the role of the NAM in the efforts for a settlement in the Cyprus issue, it is questioned whether it has positively and actively contributed or whether its support was limited in rhetoric. It is worthy to note that interviewing the political party officers in the Greek Cypriot side, there is not an intense assumption that the direction of NAM was wrong and no party criticised Makarios for the specific orientation he attributed to the countrys foreign policy. In the following years the political anomaly had dramatically increased. In July 1974, Turkey found the pretext to impose its partitionist plans against Cyprus, following the coup of 15th of July, perpetrated against the elected government of President Makarios by the Athens military junta. On July 20, claiming to act under article 4 of the Treaty of Guarantee, the Turkish armed forces staged a full scale invasion against Cyprus. Though the invasion was in violation of all rules of international legality, including the UN Charter, Turkey proceeded to occupy the northern part of the island. Later on, the basis for a solution of the Cyprus problem was set in two High Level Agreements. Both agreements, (between President Makarios and the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash, in February 1977 and between President Kyprianou and Denktash in May 1979), were concluded under the auspices of the UN Secretary General. Apart from the High Level Agreements several initiatives were attempted especially from the Greek-Cypriot side to find a settlement through UN mediation. In particular until 1990 one could argue that the initiatives of the Secretary Generals of the UN Kurt Waldheim, Javier Prez de Cullar and Boutros Boutros Ghali were the most comprehensive efforts for a settlement. All the above initiatives clashed to the intransigent position of the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash. After the subsequent failures to inaugurate negotiations for the resolution of the Cyprus problem, which was the primary foreign policy objective for the Cyprus Government, the Cypriot political l eadership decided in 1990 to change the orientation of the countrys foreign policy. Westernisation of Foreign Policy: Cyprus European orientation as a catalyst for peace or source of further implications? The end of the Cold War, proved that the Western and European structures and values would dominate in the new era which was emerging and uprising. As the most sensitive issue for Cyprus was the necessity to intensify the efforts to find a negotiated settlement to the Cyprus problem, the Cypriot political leadership realised the need to partly transform the countrys foreign policy, implementing a policy aiming at a final accession into the EEC/EU. However, this foreign policy transformation created a strong reaction and opposition from AKEL. The communist party which had positively contributed to the election of President Vasiliou in the Cypriot Presidency in 1988, declared an intensive disagreement concerning Cyprus application for EEC membership. According to the official AKELs position, they considered the EEC as an imperialistic and neoliberal economic organisation which was using its economic power to pursue its political power in the world against the interests of the poor countries . AKEL saw the EEC as just another Western ally of the United States and NATO and strongly believed that Cyprus has no place and nothing to be benefited from organizations which organized and advocated to the Turkish invasion and the conspiracy of 1974. On the contrary all the other political parties including the right wing Democratic Rally (DHSY), the centre wing Democratic Party (DHKO) and the Socialist Party (EDEK) were vigorously supporting Cyprus accession and harmonization to the European structures . In the meantime, in 1993 Glafkos Clerides, the leader of the right wing Democratic Rally, a former President of the House of Representatives (Vouli) and a Greek Cypriot negotiator in the inter-communal talks of 1968-1974, was elected President of the Republic. Initially, his election brought a new prospect for Cyprus, as he was one of the most constant politicians and supporters of Cyprus accession into the EU. A central issue of this foreign policy transformation has been the role of the EU and its mediation in the conflict resolution in Cyprus and the outcomes of Cyprus EU foreign policy orientation. It is widely accepted that throughout the years, the vast majority of initiatives for a negotiated settlement have been undertaken by the United Nations, with the active support of the United States . Until the early 1990s, the EC/EU was almost absent from the efforts for a settlement. That was because the role of the EC/EU as an international actor until the end of the Cold War was partially undermined. Its contribution to the conflict resolution using civilian and diplomatic instruments was poor. As Olga Demetriou accurately argues, the EU has played a minor role in the search for a solution to the Cyprus conflict in comparison with the UN and Britain, and even the US . However, during the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st a substantial shift to the EUs role in the resolution of the Cyprus problem is noticed which vindicates the aspirations of Cypriot leadership. With the growth of the European Integration process and the initial empowerment of the EUs role as an international actor during the early 1990s with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, European involvement in South-Eastern Europe grew steadily for a variety of different reasons. The political situation in the Middle East, the Euro-Turkish relations, as well as the substantial issue of immigration, have all constituted the main reasons of the EUs broader interest in the region. Apart from that, Cyprus geographical location at the crossroads of three continents, made it inevitably very crucial as regards the security dimension . As aforementioned, Cyprus European orientation officially began in 1990 when it applied for membership in the EEC. Since then, and due to the Turkish European aspiration, as well as the continuous Greek support on the Cyprus problem, the impact of the European Union towards the Cyprus conflict was steadily increasing. Moreover, Cyprus application for membership transformed the Cyprus problem into a European issue. However, in the initial stage of the accession process, the political problem was considered an obstacle for the accession and it was suggested that a settlement or at least significant moves towards one were necessary for Cyprus accession process to move forward . Various assumptions have been formulated regarding the issue of a settlement as a precondition for the accession. The provoked debate in the European Union has been between those who believed that Cyprus EU accession process would act as a catalyst for peace . Obviously, an insistence on a solution before accession would undermine the prospect of Cyprus EU accession process to act as a catalyst for peace. The question of whether Cyprus accession process should constitute a catalyst for peace was at the centre of the political debate and can be examined from different perspectives in regard to the interests of Greek and Turkish Cypriots. According to Tocci, the EUs role in the Cyprus problem has two dimensions: the impact of the EU as a framework on conflict resolution efforts, and the impact of the accession process on the parties in conflict . This paper argues that the fact which constituted a crucial help in the resolution of the Cyprus problem was not Cyprus final accession in the EU, rather the effect of Cyprus EU accession process especially during the final stage. Additionally, another factor has been the partial shift in Turkish foreign policy, as a result of the Turkish European aspirations, which became more active after the coming of power of the AKP. The final stage of the EU accession process which coincided with the latest initiative of the Secretary General of the United Nations Kofi Anan had diverse effects to the policies of the two communities . It is important to mention that the EU, as well as the international community, tried in several ways to support the Yes campaign in both communities. There is no doubt that on both sides there were several political parties which were more active to the idea of a solution prior to accession. However there were parties which hardened their positions due to the elections in both communities before the referenda. For those who were in favour of a solution prior to accession, the Anan plan constituted an opportunity for a solution. Moreover, the EU had declared and urged the two communities to accept the Anan plan, showing its active support for a solution prior to accession based on the specific plan. Another significant element which shows the EUs positive involvement in the efforts for a resolution was its vigilance to economically support a possible solution prior to accession, as well as to provide financial aid to the new state, in order to eliminate the economic disproportion bet ween the two communities. The decision to apply for membership in 1990 can be interpreted as an aim of strengthening the Greek Cypriot bargaining position in negotiations . Moreover Cyprus accession would confirm the Turkish attack and occupation of an EU member state. To put it differently, the EU, in its various structural, institutional and conceptual manifestations, has played, is still playing and is envisioned as having to play in the future, a variety of roles concerning the conflict in Cyprus. It remains to be seen whether this involvement will change in the future and whether the outcome of any mediation will bring a new prospect for Cyprus and its people. An overall assessment of Cyprus EU orientation reveals that the decision to apply for EEC membership in 1990 and partly transform the countrys foreign policy was a correct political evaluation and anticipation of the future prospects. However, Cyprus retained very good and friendly relations with other former Soviet states as well as with countries of the Arab Worlds and the NAM. Nevertheless, Cyprus as a full member of the EU, is implementing a Europe-oriented foreign policy which is relevant with the European structures and values. Is this statement always the case for Cyprus? An obser vation of some contemporary debates regarding Cyprus foreign policy and the countrys role in the international system, shows that sometimes, the countrys foreign policy is hostage to other factors which hamper it from its natural European orientation. The internal political debate about the issue of Cyprus application for Partnership for Peace membership which will be examined and assessed in the next chapter will prove the correctness of the above assumption. Cyprus Foreign Policy Hostage to ideology: The issue of Partnership for Peace. The process of Europeanization defined as a process of domestic change in order to align national policies with European structures as a result of potential membership- . This section will examine the contemporary debate which emerged recently in the Cyprus national political arena concerning the issue of Cyprus application for accession into NATOs programme PfP. Nevertheless, before analysing the domestic political debate regarding the issue of PfP, there is a necessity to clarify and examine some basic theoretical issues about the evolving role of the EU as an actor in the international system. This analysis is crucial, as it is related with the uncertain relations between NATO and the EU which directly affect the examined case of Cyprus and PfP. History proves to us that initiatives to create a common defence policy are not inextricable from European Integration but they are its precondition. The fact that the efforts have been numerous and of dubious outcome underline the complexity of the goal, but also its necessity. Undoubtedly, the failure of the EDC initiative in 1954, ensured that defence related issues were being discussed outside the EEC context . However, towards the late 1990s, there was a gradual departure from this policy path. A turning point in the progress made towards ESDP was the summit in St-Malo in December 1998 . Furthermore, relations between the EU and NATO came into question regarding this issue. However , despite the efforts and the to date implementation of 23 missions, the extent to which EUs security and defence role in the new security architecture in the immediate post-cold war period was limited and was only declared rather than proved. Nevertheless, it is of crucial importance to briefly examine what NATOs programme PfP really is . Additionally, based on a commitment to the democratic principles that underpin the Alliance itself, the purpose of the PfP is to increase stability, diminish threats to peace and build strengthened security relationships between individual Partner countries and NATO, as well as among Partner countries. Twenty three States are members in PfP. It was first proposed as an American initiative at the meeting of NATO defence ministers in Travemnde in Germany on October 1993, and formally launched on January 1994 NATO summit in Brussels. In the Copenhagens European Council in December 2002 it was decided that the EU member states which are also members of either NATO or the PfP are eligible to participate in ESDP operations which are conducted using NATO assets . The Council decision reflected the provisions of an EU-NATO agreement known as the Berlin Plus agreement, which spells out the conditions under which the EU could maintain access to the military assets of NATO. Lacking some important and military assets and capabilities, the EU depends heavily on NATO to undertake sensitive, high cost and risk crisis management missions, as well as peacemaking and peacekeeping operations, known as the Petersburg Tasks. Undoubtedly, the implications concerning the relation between Cyprus role and the implementation of the Berlin Plus agreements contain a more complicated political background. In particular, this political anomaly reflects the dialogue between NATO and the EU and the Turkish aspirations for its active role in the European security system . Unless its claims were taken fully into consideration, Turkey threatened to use its veto power in NATO to block the specific agreement which would negatively result on the prospect of ESDP. Particularly, Turkey sought full association with the ESDP operations conducted with the use of NATO assets. Furthermore, it demanded that the EU should be committed to not perform any military operation in geographical proximity to its territory. This demand implied that the EU could not conduct any military operation in either the Aegean Sea or Cyprus. Additionally, Turkey insisted that Cyprus should be excluded form all European security structures. Turkey was thus demanding that Cyprusa state it does not recognize should be excluded from the ESDPs operations employing NATO assets and be denied accession to NATO and PfP. In the face of a possible deadlock, British, American and Turkish diplomats engaged in negotiations that led to agreement on a blueprint known as the Ankara Text. That text addressed all Turkish concerns and was used as the basis for a final agreement between the EU and NATO . This particular case, and the Turkish threats concerning the issue of Berlin Plus are similar with the last debate and the Turkish objections regarding the issue of NATOs Secretary General elections where Turkish demands were totally satisfied in order to accept the candidacy of Rasmusen. According to EU decisions all the European member states of NATO, which are not members of the EU, can participate in the preparation and implementation of ESDP operations drawing on NATO assets. Moreover, the EU decided that the Berlin Plus arrangements and the implementation thereof will apply only to those EU member states which are also either NATO members or parties to the Partnership for Peace, and which have consequently concluded bilateral security agreements with NATO. Hence, Cyprus (Malta was the other member state which was neither member or NATO nor PfP but it joined PfP in 2008) a European state which is member of neither NATO nor PfP, but joined the EU in 2004, cannot participate neither in preparation nor in the implementation of the ESDP missions employing NATO assets. Likewise, Cyprus representatives the relevant ministers do not participate or vote in EU institutions and bodies, including the Political and Security Committee (COPS), with regard to decisions that concern the implementation of such operations . It is worthy to note that Cyprus is the only state that not only is absent from either NATO or PfP, but i t has so far expressed no interest in joining PfP. Ten years after the creation of ESDP and five years after the latest EU Enlargement some problems have been encountered in relation to EU-NATO cooperation. Particularly, EU and NATO diplomats are regularly meeting to discuss security issues under the Berlin Plus agreement. However, Cyprus cannot participate in the meetings which are assessed as of crucial importance. Turkey objects to Cyprus participation arguing that is not member of the PfP, which is the criterion for participation. As Kentas observes, although EU and NATO diplomats have been urging it to ease its objections, Turkey has opted to link the possibility of reconsidering Cyprus participation in EU-NATO meetings with the satisfaction of its demand to couple EU financial assistance to its protectorate in Cyprus (TRNC), with trade and travel through illegal entry points (ports and airports) in the occupied part of Cyprus . Despite the fact that Turkey invokes Cyprus n on-participation in the PfP program to block its participating in EU-NATO meetings, Cyprus has not shown any interest in joining to the PfP. Austria, Sweden, Iceland and Finland, four EU member states which are not members of NATO because of their neutrality, have joined NATOs PfP and, therefore, have access to the joint EU-NATO meetings and documents related to security and military operations. Furthermore, it is worthy to note that even Russia and the ten former communist democracies are now members of the PfP. By remaining indifferent to PfP membership, Cyprus runs the risk of becoming part of the problem in EU-NATO cooperation. To date, it was Turkey that caused obstructions to the coordination between those organizations. Since Cyprus now is a member of the EU, it cannot remain apathetic to the need for normal EU-NATO cooperation. Cyprus has to consider seriously applying to join the PfP. Even if Turkey insists on blocking its accession it would have at least demonstrated its d esire and willingness to be part of the western defence structure and would have also unequivocally placed the blame for lack of cooperation where it belongs . Being a neutral state, Cyprus would only benefit from joining NATOs PfP. It will have access to EU-NATO meetings, become eligible to participate in the ESDPs Petersburg Tasks drawing on NATO assets, and improve its strategic weight. Since 2005 there has been an extensive debate concerning Cyprus participation in PfP. Some scholars and politicians argue that a Cypriot application for PfP will reinforce the Greek-Cypriot position in the negotiations and to put pressure on Turkey. It is obvious that Turkey will veto a possible Cyprus application for PfP membership for a variety of different yet obvious reasons. The issue of the recognition of Republic seems to be the most important factor. However, concerning the issue of Turkish recognition of Cyprus a crucial argument emerges. This reflects that it is very contradictive the fact that Turkey does not recognise Cyprus, a member state of the international organisation (the EU) in which Turkey wants to belong to. Apart from putting pressure on Turkey, there is a widespread tendency in Cyprus political arena, that Cyprus has to express its interest and join the PfP, in order to implement its natural orientation concerning the fully Europeanization of the countrys fore ign policy . Furthermore, one could argue that remaining in the periphery of European Defence and Security structures, Cyprus is losing credibility and the status of the country is undermined internationally. On the contrary, there is an opposite trend which is supported only by AKEL that Cyprus application for membership in the PfP is not only unnecessary, but dangerous for Cyprus. AKEL which is the most constant partner of the government of President Christofias claims that it will create severe implications and repercussions on the Presidents efforts for a settlement to the Cyprus problem . The communist party grounds its arguments from the fact that Cyprus possible application for accession in PfP will be interpreted by European officials as an intentional movement from Cyprus government to put pressure on Turkey due to the obvious Turkish veto in order to prove that Turkey obstructs not only Cyprus from its natural orientation and comprehensive participation in the European Security system but also the dialogue between NATO and the EU. Moreover, the above explanation constitutes only the practical objection of AKEL. An observation of its policy and ideology throughout the years revea ls a very strong anti NATO and anti Western sentiment, which is often reformulating. It is worthy to note that there is a perception inside AKEL that only exogenous factors are responsible for all the disastrous outcomes of the Cyprus tragedy, and that everything concerning the Turkish invasion in 1974 was a result of an international conspiracy with NATO, CIA and the US as protagonists. Therefore it is noticed that apart from its practical arguments against Cyprus application for PfP which can be easily refuted, AKEL retains strong ideological fears and objections regarding any Cypriot link with NATO and PfP. Thus, it keeps a basic aspect of Cyprus foreign policy, hostage to its ideological fears. Another argument of the communist party and President Christofias is that NATOs programme PfP constitutes an antechamber to NATO. Again the specific argument can be easily refuted by the fact even Russia is a member of PfP which is of course not willing to join the Atlantic Alliance. Ther efore the only category of arguments that remain is the issue of ideology. At the writing of this paper, Cyprus government not only has not initiated any procedures to apply for PfP membership but has consistently rejected the possibility of Cyprus accession to PfP. Although all the political parties in Cyprus political arena DISY-EYROKO-EDH including the two parties which participate in government DIKO-EDEK, urge and call on President Christofias to declare an interest in PfP membership, President Christofias has been consistently rejecting any massive calls and recommendations regarding this issue. It is worthy to highlight that both the European Parliament and Cyprus House of Representatives (Vouli) with two recent resolutions recommended the Cypriot President to apply for PfP. This move followed the intensive reaction of the President who reformulated his view that I was elected with 55% of the peoples votes and while I will be President, Cyprus will never join neither NATO nor PfP . Evaluating the above analysis, it is obvious that Cyprus accession to NATOs PfP is not only a precondition for the country to comprehensively participate in the European Security and defence structures, but also in the dialogue and meetings between NATO and the EU. This paper argues that it is a necessity for the variety of aforementioned reasons. The absence of Cyprus from European Security System creates severe implications both in the EU as Cyprus absence hampers the symmetry of the relations between NATO and the EU, and also it undermines Cyprus credibility abroad when the Cypriot minister is urged to exit the room of discussions about the implementation and preparation of ESDP missions operated under the Berlin Plus. Thus, Cyprus application for accession will be beneficial for Cyprus and will confirm the countrys natural orientation and integration with the EU. Conclusion A countrys foreign policy is a set of goals outlining how the country will interact with other countries and international organizations economically, politically, socially and militarily. Foreign policies are designed to help protect a countrys national interests, national security, economic prosperity and ideological goals. However, as this paper showed, the steady and linear foreign policy orientation is not a basic prerequisite for a country in order to be successful in the field of foreign policy. The case of Cyprus proves that the partial transformation of foreign policy improves the countrys ability and provides the tools to implement wider goals and sensitive national interests. This essay offered an analysis and gave an interpretation of the orientation of Cyprus foreign policy and highlighted its transformations and adjustments throughout its existence. There is no doubt that Cyprus is a European State and constitutes a State entity. Thus, like all living entities is obliged to evolve its orientation and transform its nature in order to align and synchronize its step and path with the demands of the changing international context. Following a policy of the NAM during the Cold War, the Cypriot government evaluated its foreign policy and decided in 1990 that there was a necessity to change the orientation of its foreign policy, attempting a process towards the European Union. Nevertheless the specific transformation was an effort to increase the support for the resolution of the Cyprus problem and it was expected that Cyprus EU accession process could act as a catalyst for peace. However, at the moment although Cyprus foreign policy is Europe-oriented, the i deological fears of the communist party hamper Cyprus foreign policy and keep it hostage from its natural orientation and from its right to behave like a full member state of the EU and to comprehensively participate in the European security and defense policies and structures by obstructing and rejecting the calls to apply for PfP membership. It is widely accepted that the case of Cyprus foreign policy and the Cyprus problem is by its nature a complicated political issue. There is a tradition in Cyprus when Cypriots seek an analogy for an unworkable situation they exclaim that it has become like the Cyprus problem. As Ker-Lindsay accurately observes, four Secretary Generals of the United Nations unsuccessfully tried to resolve the specific conflict. Despite the thirty-five years of external mediation and negotiations, the problem still remains unsolved. Nicosia remains the last divided capital in the European Union. However, this does not necessarily mean that there was a foreign policy failure from the Cypriot side. The question of how Cyprus sees and will see in the future its place in Europe remains fluid and open to interpretation. Even if Cyprus sees itself as being an intrinsically European State and is now a member of the European Union, it is bound to other regions, continents and international alliances by virtue of history and geography . The specific accurate assumption of James Ker- Lindsay reflects the real picture concerning the exercise and implementation of Cyprus Foreign policy. However, the fact that Cyprus is bound to other regions does not imply that Cyprus does not follow a European orientation. Thus, its foreign policy is and should continue to be Europe-oriented. 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(2007), The accession story: the EU from fifteen to twenty-five countries, New York: Oxford University Press. Verney, S. EU enlargement as a moral mission: Debating Cyprus accession in the European Parliament, Bilgi University, Istanbul, 20-23 September 2006. Willets, p. (1978), The non-aligned movement: the origins of a Third World alliance, London: F. Pinter. Xydis, S.G, (1967), Cyprus: conflict and conciliation, 1954-1958, Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Oral Resources (Interviews) Charis Christodoulidou Cypriot Diplomat, CFSP/ESDP specialist interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 15/07/2009 Kasoulidis Ioannis Cypriot MEP of the Democratic Rally, (DISY) Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Candidate for the Presidency of Cyprus in the 2008 elections. Interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 22/07/2009. Omirou Yiannakis President of the Socialist Party (EDEK), Former Minister of Defence, interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 30/07/2009 Sillouris Demetris President of the European Party (EYROKO) Interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 16/07/2009 Tsiourtos Constantinos AKELs officer responsible for EU affairs interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 04/08/2009 Ker-Lindsay, J. (2004), Britain and the Cyprus Crisis, 1963-1964. Mannheim: Bibliopolis. p. 8. www.mofa.gov.cy [accessed on 20-08-2009] For the exact citation of these works see the bibliography section. There is an extensive literature on the Cyprus problem. For a more objective and unbiased approach, see: Ker-Lindsay, J. (2005), EU accession and UN peacemaking in Cyprus, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan and Theophanous, A. (2005), The Cyprus question and the EU: The challenge and the promise, Nicosia: Intercollege Press. https://netfiles.uiuc.edu/ro/www/HellenicStudentAssociation/cyprus/cyprus.pdf [assessed 20 July 2009] Ker-Lindsay, J. (2004), Britain and the Cyprus crisis, ibid., p.20. AKEL Progressive Party of the Working People For further details on the Non-Aligned Movement see: Willets, p. (1978), The non-aligned movement: the origins of a Third World alliance, London: F. Pinter. Cedric, G. (1995), Equity in Third World Relations: a third world perspective. International Affairs, 71, 3, p. 567-587 Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), Europes eastern outpost: the Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East. The Round Table: the commonwealth journal of international affairs, 97(397), p. 537 National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters A Greek word which means union with Greece. For a comprehensive account on the EOKA liberation struggle see: Holland, R. (1998), Britain and the revolt in Cyprus, 1954-59, Oxford, OUP. Archbishop Makarios, Times, 16 March 1956 Clerides, G. (1989) My deposition, Vol 1. Nicosia: Alitheia Press. Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), ibid., p 537. Lambrou, G. (2004), History of Cyprus: the years after independence, 1960-2004, Nicosia: Thecona Press. p. 79. 95% of the population including Turkish Cypriots voted for ENOSIS For the role of the UN on Cyprus see: Xydis, S.G, (1967), Cyprus: conflict and conciliation, 1954-1958, Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Adams, T. (1971), Akel: the communist party of Cyprus, Stanford: Stanford University. Theophylactou, D. (1995), Security, Identity and Nation Building, England: Avebury, p.103. Markides, K (1977), The rise and fall of the Cyprus Republic, London: Yale University Press, p. 123. Theophylactou, D. (1995), ibid., p.85. Both leaders agreed that the basis for a possible solution would be on the Bi-zonal Bi-communal Federation Tsiourtos Constantinos,- AKELs officer responsible for EU affairs interview with the author. For a comprehensive analysis of the Politics and Government of Cyprus see the most recent work: Ker-Lindsay, J. and Faustmann, H. eds. (2008), The government and politics of Cyprus. Oxford: Peter Lang. Tsiourtos Constantinos ibid. Omirou Yiannakis President of the Socialist Party (EDEK), Former Minister of Defence, interview with the author A unilateral initiative by the US was the Acheson plan in 1964 A unilateral initiative by the United Kingdom was the Macmillan plan in 1958 Demetriou, O. (2004) The EU and the Cyprus conflict: Review of the literature, Nicosia, p.15. Tocci, N. (2004) EU Accession Dynamics and Conflict Resolution: Catalysing Peace or Consolidating Partition in Cyprus? London: Ashgate. Theophanous, A. (2005), The Cyprus question and the EU: The promise and the challenge, Nicosia: Intercollege Press, p. 32. For the security dimensions of the Cyprus problem see the most recent work: Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008) The Security Dimensions of a Cyprus Solution, GreeSE Paper No. 19, Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe. Theophanous, A. (2005), ibid., p. 45. Verney, S. EU enlargement as a moral mission: Debating Cyprus accession in the European Parliament, Paper prepared for presentation at the 3rd Paneuropean Conference of the ECPR Standing Group on European Union Politics, Bilgi University, Istanbul, 20-23 September 2006, p.4. Gaudissart, M. (1996), Cyprus and the European Union: the long road to accession, Cyprus Review, 8 (1). Barchard, D. (1998), Turkey and the European Union, London: Centre for European Reform. Verney, S. ibid,p. 7. Tocci, N. (2004), EU Accession Dynamics and Conflict Resolution: Catalysing Peace or Consolidating Partition in Cyprus? London: Ashgate. p. 18. Diez, T. (ed.), (2002), The European Union and the Cyprus conflict, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Tassos Papadopoulos speech on April 2004. Tocci, N (2004), ibid, p. 20. Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Featherstone, K. (2003) Introduction: In the Name of Europe, in Featherstone, K. and Radaelli, C. (eds.) The Politics of Europeanization, Oxford: OUP Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), ibid. p.541. Deighton, A. (2002), The European Security and Defence Policy, Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 40, 4. Ozen, C. (2002), ESDP-NATO Relations: Considerations on the Future of European Security Architecture, The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations (33) p.232 For a comprehensive account on the development of ESDP see: Howorth, J. (2007), Security and Defence Policy in the European Union, UK: Palgrave macmillan. Hunter, R. (2002), The European Security and Defence Policy: NATOs Companion or Competitor?, Rand Corporation, available at: www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR1463/index.html [accessed on 14/07/2009] p.8. For a comprehensive analysis on PfP see: Borawski, J. (1995), Partnership for Peace and beyond, International Affairs, Vol. 71, No. 2. www.nato.com, [accessed on 22/07/2009] Howorth, J. (2007), Security and Defence Policy in the European Union, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 102 The specific issue is vast and almost impossible to be fully examined for the purposes of this paper. For further analysis see: Howorth, J (2007) Kasoulidis Ioannis Cypriot MEP of the Democratic Rally, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Candidate for the Presidency of Cyprus in the 2008 elections. Interview with the author. https://www.rcenter.intercol.edu/Newsletter/issue8/art03.htm [accessed on 12/07/2009] Omirou Yiannakis, ibid. Kasoulides Ioannis, ibid. Kentas, G. (2005), ibid,. p. 3. Kentas, G. ibid,. p. 4.Kasoulides Ioannis, ibid, Kasoulides Ioannis , ibid This perception is adopted by all the political parties in Cyprus except AKEL and the Green Party. Tsiourtos Constantinos, ibid. Simerini, 22 February 2008. Tsiourtos Constantinos, ibid.. Ker-Lindsay, J (2008), ibid, p. 543.

A Fools Handbook to Samples of an Evaluation Essay

A Fool's Handbook to Samples of an Evaluation Essay What Samples of an Evaluation Essay Is - and What it Is Not It is going to also, obviously, be a lot easier to compose your essay all around. Your outline should offer you a simple idea of how your essay is going to be formed. Write an outline to assist you organize your essay. Every essay needs to have a well-stated thesis that tells the reader what to anticipate from the remaining part of the paper together with solid studying to support the thesis. Otherwise, your portfolio essay might be a bit unorganized. Your thesis will guide the remainder of your essay, and ought to be narrowly focused to the internship you desire. Most motif papers are short, and the fundamental five-paragraph essay will provide you lots of room to prove your thesis. The Good, the Bad and Samples of an Evaluation Essay Instead it's best to present the info in the order that produces the most sense. Among the precise strategies to summarize is to concentrate on the key ideas that Tannen uses to distinguish between women and men. The outcome evaluation has the ability to assess the changing attitudes and understanding of the target audience. Isolate key factors of the problem you're addressing to discover the explanations for writing and the aim of the main notion of your essay. What Is So Fascinating About Samples of an Evaluation Essay? Keeping a consistent voice within the body paragraphs, in addition to the remainder of the essay, is also an add itional ability that sixth-grade teachers will be on the lookout for when grading. What will have to be included in your essay will differ based on your level. For example, let's say you've written a proposal to study the potency of a new sort of solar panel that may be utilized in colder, cloudier climates. Tell the reader the context and setting of the quotation and the way it is an illustration of the point you're making. What's Actually Going on with Samples of an Evaluation Essay For instance, the positive characteristics of the book might be that the plot was engaging and that the story wasn't overly descriptive. An excellent song is similar to poetry put to music, making it more challenging to analyze than some individuals might think. Critically engage the movie so you can effectively create a strong essay. For instance, the major character of the book might have a bold personality, whereas the pal of the principal character might be shy and timid. Samples of an Eva luation Essay: the Ultimate Convenience! You might choose to compose a book analysis as a way to think critically about the bit of literature and determine your literary preferences. Thus, you build an argumentative approach to the viewpoint of the author. Your outline will be able to help you avoid adding unnecessary info and makes it much easier to craft a paper with a strong, logical structure. Show the readers you have the capability of understanding more than 1 perspective. Finding the Best Samples of an Evaluation Essay Despite the fact that you might have an overall assignment, you're often able to select the direction you desire the essay to take. You have to make an abstract, a concise review of the key points of your essay. Have somebody else read your essay and supply constructive criticism before writing a last draft. Reading the essay backwards is a great means to catch such mistakes. After the opener, provide background information on the subject, which ought to tell readers the intention behind the essay. You can't write a prosperous informative piece without a comprehensive command of all appropriate details on the subject. Once you get your subject, you want to place your ideas in the appropriate format. Other times, you're able to pick from a couple of different topics. Whatever They Told You About Samples of an Evaluation Essay Is Dead Wrong...And Here's Why Evaluation is the procedure of deciding the worth of a program. Impact evaluations have a tendency to be more expensive because of the time frames involved, as stated by the Minnesota Department of Health. Formative evaluations are evaluations that exist during the practice. Because you now are aware of what the main part of the essay says, writing an introduction ought to be easy. For example, the writer indicates the reader in assorted parts of the article by suggesting examples in specific paragraph numbers. Whoever is reading your essay will probably be reading ma ny of them, so you must establish yourself as a distinctive individual by revealing a detail that's relevant but interesting and distinctive. 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Competition and People free essay sample

In all of the years of sports there have been many positive and negatives aspects of sports and competition. For all of the evidence shown there have been a lot more positive aspects than negative. In many ways sports have shaped the way that many people live. Some families live and breathe competition. For some people thats their main relationship between parents and kids. Competition is when people go at each other in sports to see who will come out on top. Competition is only healthy for people to participate in. It can give people confidence and learn how to be better overall people. Competition plays a very big role in American society by bringing families and people together. Sports and competition has shaped American society to help bring us together every year. For example the superbowl is one of the most watched events in the world. People who don’t like football still watch the superbowl. We will write a custom essay sample on Competition and People or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The super bowl brings people together because people have competitions and rivalries within the game. In the â€Å"In My Tribe† article Terry McDonell says â€Å" I believe our hard, beautiful games shaped us for the better. † What McDonell is saying is that sports and competition have shaped America to the point where in a lot of families it’s what brings them together. However in the Case Against Competition Alfie Kohn says â€Å" One person can succeed only if the other fails. † Alfie Kohn makes a very valid argument however in the end can’t competition just be for fun too even if one does fail, its called good sportsmanship. People should be happy that they get the chance to compete against others because there are a lot of kids who don’t get the chance like for the kids whose parents want their kids to only focus on education. Or the kids that live in areas where they can’t afford to fund a sports team. If there is no sportsmanship well then yes there will be some hurt feelings or crushed dreams even, but thats why you need to look at competition as always a lucky chance because not everyone gets the chance to compete. You need to grow up with competition because you will be prepared for competition later in life like in the working world. Competition helps people in the working world because they grew up knowing that in order to be successful people need to know how to compete you would have a higher chance of making a big mistake in the working world. McDonell is right competition does shape us for the better. Without rivalries sports just wouldn’t be what they are today. A rivalry means that two hated teams with a bit of history compete against each other to see who ends up winning and get bragging rights. I have been apart of many rivalries in my life. Rivalries can shape families relationships because on a day of a rivalry game it is something big to talk about maybe your family is half one team and half the other. These games can stir up competition themselves. Many families will place bets like money on who will win or make the loser do something for them. Rivalries are without a doubt one of the greatest parts of competition. In sports there can be very memorable moments that can shape sports today. Some people compete hard because they want to be like their favorite athlete. There is many memorable performances to think about like when Michael Jordan was sick in the playoffs but played through and won the game. Or when Rajon Rondo dislocated his elbow but played through the pain and led his team to a victory. These are the types of performances that shape our sports today and why our professional, college, and high school athletes compete hard every time they step on the field or the court to strive to be there best and make the opposing team remember him or her. Sports can have a very high reward if you play in professional. It is very good money. If you play professional sports you are pretty much set for life and another plus is that it is a very early retirement. So there really isn’t a good reason not to have competition. Competition keeps people healthy. It is not only fun but it will keep you in shape it is good for young kids to do because they dont know how else to work out its not like they can lift weights. All of this information relates back to Jordan and Rando because they are professionals, they do make a lot of money, they did work hard to be where they are today. They create memorable moments that can shape our society because athletes could be looking up to those performances and want to end up like them. In sports and competition from the reading sports and competition is more than just a sport to see who wins. It can be a long tradition almost like a tradition for some families that start when people are very young. Sports are full of memorable moments that people cherish and remember. keeping all of those factors in mind overall sports and competition helps shape American society for the better. Annotated Bibliography Kohn, Alfie. The Case Against Competition. Working Mother. N. p. , Sept. 1987. Web. 22 Jan. 2013. â€Å"The Case Against Competition† by Alfie Kohn is about Kohn trying to convince mother’s that competition is bad on kids and doesn’t help them succeed in life. Kohn talks about how competition makes kid less creative and not as polite or empathic for people or certain things. Kohn also talks about how limiting competition in our society will make it a better place for people to live in. Also that by limiting competition we will learn to work with everyone and not be out to get anyone and try and outdo someone else. McDonell, Terry. In My Tribe. Sports Illustrated. N. p. , 28 Nov. 2011. Web. 22 Jan. 2013. In My Tribe† by Terry McDonell is about the stories we take away from watching sporting events and by listening to other people talk about the stories that have made memories for them. Also that by having a common story with someone will bring you closer to that person even if you have nothing else to talk about with them, you can always have sports to fall back on. He also talks about how marketing has changed and so has the media. That sports media and marketing has changed sports for the worse but that common people like us only care about the moments and the memories we take away from them.